In 2011 the „Enquete-Commission Growth, Wealth, Quality of Life“ of the German Bundestag installed a special working-group. Its task was defined as the „Development of a holistic Indicator for Wealth and Progress“.
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The European Space Agency’s (ESA) Rosetta mission created an unprecedented moment of space exploration by putting a spacecraft on the comet’s surface for the first time in history. The Philae lander managed to accomplish the primary goal of its mission and then hibernated for an indefinite amount of time. So did the European space policy several years ago.
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As debate over the future of the internet rages, there are three things to consider for those who hope to achieve their preferential philosophical outcome; the current realities, the proposed options, and the political winds most likely to lead to their chosen result.
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In a recent article conveyed by Politheor.net, Attila Marján put forward numerous assumptions concerning the change of the blocking and policy-shaping power of the Visegrad Group – V4 (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) in the post-Lisbon era of the Council of the European Union (Council). The author voiced his concerns amid the most recent changes in the Council voting system ushered in by the 2009 Lisbon Treaty, only to be implemented this November.
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On 15th December, the Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang shook hands with his Serbian counterpart opening a transit bridge that is to connect two, up to that point, divided sides of Belgrade. The bridge built by the joint effort of the Chinese and Serbian construction workers, engineers and architects, costs 226 million US Dollars. It was one the largest Chinese investments in Eastern Europe until only recently. In fact, when first announced, this project was the largest Chinese infrastructural investment in Europe as a whole.
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Economic governance reforms and Eurozone consolidation has significant institutional and political consequences: a multiple-tier integration is ever more realistic. „Out” countries seek to mitigate the negative impact of these developments. In this respect V4 – Visegrad countries differ a lot: Slovakia, a relative latecomer in economic reforms is part of the currency union. Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic are not Euro-members. But even this sub-group is divided: Poland intends to join whenever requirements are fulfilled while the Hungarian and the Czech governments are cool on accession. At the same time, further economic federalisation in the Eurozone is to come. Against this background, the question whether a long-term “great divide” among V4 group countries in relation to their EU policies and consequently their future situation in the rapidly altering EU will be maintained, is of key importance.
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